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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858;"><strong><span style="font-size:24px;">20 luglio 2021</span></strong></span>
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<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;">Cari lettori,</span></div>

<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;"> </span></div>

<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;"><span style="background-color: transparent;"><strong><em>Magistratura Democratica</em></strong>, per celebrare il suo XXIII congresso, ha scelto Firenze e le parole di <strong>Dante</strong>, a 700 anni dalla morte: «<em>Le leggi son, ma chi pon mano ad esse?».</em></span></span></div>

<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;"> </span></div>

<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;">Già, chi pone mano alle leggi? I<span style="background-color: transparent;"> fatti di Genova, </span></span><span style="background-color: transparent;">rappresentano una lezione per tutti. Anche per la magistratura, come </span><span style="background-color: transparent;">sottolinea </span><strong style="background-color: transparent;">Riccardo De Vito</strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">, presidente di </span><strong style="background-color: transparent;"><em>Md</em></strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">, in un suo articolo pubblicato dal quotidiano<em> Il Manifesto</em>.</span></div>

<div style="text-align: justify;"> </div>

<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">Alla crisi della magistratura e della democrazia è stata dedicata la sessione del congresso coordinata </span><span style="background-color: transparent;">da </span><span style="background-color: transparent; font-weight: 700;">Silvia Albano</span><span style="background-color: transparent;">, nella quale sono intervenuti</span><span style="background-color: transparent; font-weight: 700;"> </span><span style="background-color: transparent;"><strong>Gaetano Azzariti</strong>, <strong>Franco Ippolito</strong>, <strong>Marco Tarquinio</strong>.</span></div>

<div style="text-align: justify;"> </div>

<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">Alla democrazia e al ruolo dei giudici, <strong>Luigi Ferrajoli</strong> ha dedicato la <em>lectio magistralis</em> che ha aperto i lavori congressuali, delineando i necessari criteri di indipendenza e imparzialità che sempre devono assistere l'esercizio della giurisdizione. Temi quanto mai d'attualità se pensiamo alla vicenda di <strong>Patrick Zaki</strong>, da oltre un anno in custodia cautelare in <strong>Egitto</strong>, disposta e prorogata da Corti non pienamente indipendenti.</span></span></div>

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<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">Passiamo poi alla crisi dello Stato di diritto in</span><span style="background-color: transparent;"> <strong>Polonia</strong>, in <strong>Ungheria</strong> e <strong>Turchia</strong> dove i governi limitano libertà e diritti, controllando la magistratura. Temi sui quali interviene <strong>Felipe Marques</strong>, presidente di <em style="font-weight: bold;">Medel</em>, in un commento sulla conferenza che si è svolta a Firenze, al quale si aggiunge il testo della sua relazione. Significativa è stata, sempre al congresso, la testimonianza di </span><span style="background-color: transparent; font-weight: 700;">Monika Frąckowiak</span><span style="background-color: transparent;">, magistrata di <strong>Poznań </strong>e componente del direttivo di <em><strong>Medel</strong></em>. </span><span style="background-color: transparent;">L'ha intervistata <strong>Monica Perosino</strong>, giornalista de <em>La Stampa</em>, che qui ha aggiunto un'analisi sulla situazione in Polonia. </span></span></div>

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<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">Su tutte queste vicende <strong><em>Md</em></strong> ha assunto posizioni chiare, come ha fatto su un'altra violazione dei diritti: quella che sta avvenendo in <strong>Libia</strong>, nei campi di detenzione e da parte della Guardia costiera. </span></span></div>

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<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:16px;"><span style="font-size:14px;"><strong><span style="color:#B22222;">L'appuntamento con la newsletter Md, salvo eccezioni, è ogni martedì, alle ore 20</span></strong></span></span></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><span style="font-size:28px;"><strong>Genova, a venti anni di distanza<br/>
Una lezione per i magistrati di oggi</strong></span></span></td>
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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:16px;">Le migliaia di persone che a luglio 2001 arrivano a Genova da ogni parte del mondo e d’Europa hanno le idee chiare: la storia non è finita. La globalizzazione neoliberista, uscita vincitrice dal «secolo breve», non ha liberato le persone dal bisogno.</span></div>

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<strong>I conflitti sociali e politici </strong>affermano i movimenti riuniti sotto lo slogan «voi G8 noi 6.000.000.000» non sgorgano più dalle ideologie (spesso tradite), ma dalle drammatiche condizioni di vita dei popoli e degli individui tagliati fuori dal paradigma dello sviluppo quantitativo illimitato, dai miti del progresso cari sia al capitalismo occidentale sia a molte esperienze del socialismo reale.<br/>
C’è un sud per ogni nord, una periferia per ogni centro: sono questi gli assi – simbolici oltre che territoriali – lungo i quali si dipanano le nuove lotte. Tanti esclusi contro pochi integrati si potrebbe dire, se non fosse che è proprio quel termine, «contro», a non essere più capace di spiegare la realtà del conflitto che i movimenti portano a Genova.<br/>
<strong>La nuova aspirazione non è costruire qualcosa «contro», ma qualcosa «per»</strong>. L’idea che si coagula nei dibattiti pubblici a Genova non è di proporre un mondo a specchio, ma, come suggerisce un’ispirazione culturale che ha nella Pedagogia degli oppressi di <strong>Paulo Freire </strong>la sua radice più nitida, quella di superare una volta per tutte la contraddizione per cui l’oppresso «non aspira a liberarsi, ma a identificarsi con il suo opposto». <span style="background-color: transparent;">È per questo che il movimento fa paura e a Genova trova, come unica risposta, una nuova gestione dell’ordine pubblico, funzionale alla tutela e alla conservazione della città dei garantiti.</span></div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;">Nel bel libro di <strong>Vittorio Agnoletto</strong> e <strong>Lorenzo Guadagnucci</strong> – <em>L’eclisse della democrazia</em>, 2021 (nuova edizione) – si racconta la storia di <strong>Oronto Douglas</strong> (avvocato di <strong>Ken Saro-Wiwa</strong> e conoscitore del carcere per aver difeso il popolo Ogoni contro gli scempi della Shell nel Delta del Niger), il quale, mentre si trova sulla via di Genova, viene fermato alla frontiera olandese a causa della mancanza delle somme di denaro necessarie per il visto di ingresso. Racconterà così quell’esperienza: «C’è una lezione che ho imparato dal mio fermo alla frontiera olandese: essere poveri è un crimine che può costare la galera». Non c’è immagine migliore dello «stato penale».<br/>
Le persone che a luglio arrivano a Genova da ogni parte del mondo imparano, letteralmente sulla loro pelle, qualcosa di ancora peggiore della galera: «la più vasta e cruenta repressione di massa della storia europea recente». Sono le parole dell’indagine di <em>Amnesty International</em> e non sono distanti da quelle contenute nella prima sentenza della <em>Corte Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo</em> sui fatti della <em>Diaz</em> (Cestaro c. Italia, 7 aprile 2015).<br/>
<strong>Lo scandalo di quella sospensione della democrazia</strong>, tuttavia, non è solo negli scenari militari e di guerra applicati alla gestione della piazza, nella violenza delle forze di polizia, nelle torture alla Diaz e a Bolzaneto; risaltano, anche e soprattutto, le <strong>falsificazioni e i depistaggi che le agenzie di polizia e i loro vertici hanno realizzato</strong>: a monte, per giustificare arresti illegali di massa (basti pensare alle famose molotov fatte apparire come il frutto della perquisizione e in realtà introdotte dagli stessi dirigenti di polizia); a valle, per ottenere l’impunità nei processi sui maltrattamenti e le torture (coperture, mancati riconoscimenti, false testimonianze).<br/>
<strong>A fronte di questo scenario, inutile nascondersi, si sono delineate due magistrature</strong>.</div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><strong>Una più restìa a mettere in discussione l’idea che le polizie, soprattutto in un Paese democratico, siano assistite sempre e comunque da una sorta di presunzione assoluta di legittimità del loro operato</strong>. È questa l’ottica di fondo sottesa alla richiesta – sulla base di verbali che si dimostreranno falsi – delle convalide degli arresti e di misure cautelari nei confronti di 78 persone arrestate alla Diaz e all’impegno di tutte le risorse nel processo per devastazione e saccheggio a carico di 25 manifestanti responsabili degli episodi di danneggiamento più eclatanti.<br/>
<strong>Vi sono stati invece, su un altro versante, giudici che da subito hanno coltivato il dubbio e che non hanno esitato a rifiutare la convalida di ben 66 arresti su 78, restituendo gli atti alla Procura per indagare sui reati di polizia</strong>. Pubblici ministeri, poi, che hanno preso sul serio quelle denunce e hanno cominciato a indagare a tutto tondo sulle forze di polizia, scavando a mani nude nelle prove false, facendosi spazio passo dopo passo in una realtà fatta di omertà, silenzi, distorsioni della verità, ostilità dei vertici di polizia e spesso anche degli uffici giudiziari, mancate collaborazioni. È il lavoro di questi magistrati che rende almeno un po’ meno urticante il senso di ingiustizia dovuto alle mancate risposte della politica e della polizia stessa.<br/>
<strong>Quella magistratura</strong>, sia pure a fatica, <strong>ha potuto operare forte dello statuto di indipendenza di un pubblico ministero integrato nella giurisdizione e di un giudice soggetto soltanto alla legge</strong>. A questo dobbiamo pensare <strong>quando</strong> – a distanza di vent’anni e con davanti agli occhi i fatti di <strong>Santa Maria Capua Vetere</strong> –, come giudici e giuristi, <strong>ci interroghiamo oggi sullo scandalo di Genova</strong>.</div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:16px;"><em>Articolo di </em><strong>Riccardo De Vito</strong><em>, presidente di </em><strong>Magistratura democratica</strong><em>, pubblicato martedì 20 aprile dal quotidiano </em><strong>Il Manifesto</strong></span></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><strong><span style="font-size:18px;"><span style="font-size:28px;">«Recuperare fiducia, tutelando i diritti»</span></span></strong></span></td>
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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:16px;">Di crisi morale e democratica nella magistratura si è parlato nel congresso di <em><strong>Md</strong></em>, nella sessione coordinata da <strong>Silvia Albano </strong>del Tribunale di Roma, con interventi di: <span style="background-color: transparent; font-weight: 700;">Gaetano Azzariti</span><span style="background-color: transparent;">, professore ordinario di diritto costituzionale, Università di Roma “La Sapienza”; </span><span style="background-color: transparent; font-weight: 700;">Franco Ippolito</span><span style="background-color: transparent;"> presidente <em>Fondazione Lelio e Lisli Basso;</em></span><em style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"> Marco Tarquinio</span></em></span><span style="font-size: 16px; background-color: transparent;">, direttore di </span><em style="font-size: 16px; background-color: transparent;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">Avvenire</span></em><span style="font-size: 16px; background-color: transparent;">.</span></div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:16px;"> </span></div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">«I profili storici e culturali – sottolinea <strong>Gaetano</strong> <strong>Azzariti </strong> - sono alla base della progressiva deriva corporativa della magistratura e, delle sue correnti. È necessario <strong>tornare a riflettere sul valore che i principi costituzionali possono rappresentare, per riaprire il dialogo tra magistratura e società civile, facendo svolgere alle correnti un ruolo di tutela effettiva dei diritti</strong>». </span><span style="background-color: transparent;">La magistratura, continua Azzariti: «</span><strong style="background-color: transparent;">ha anticipato la rivolta per la Costituzione, ora forse ha anticipato il degrado</strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">. La faticosa </span><strong style="background-color: transparent;">costruzione di una democrazia costituzionale e pluralista riguarda tutti i magistrati, nella speranza di farsi avanguardia per una inversione di rotta, una lunga lotta per frenare il degrado e la caduta e nella barbarie</strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">».</span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;">«La fiducia dei cittadini – è il parere di <em><strong> </strong></em><strong>Franco Ippolito</strong><em><strong> </strong></em>- si recupera dando fiducia alle tante espressioni della società civile impegnate a ricostruire questo Paese, ispirandosi alle promesse di emancipazione sociale della Costituzione. È indispensabile <strong>un forte rilancio etico</strong>, ma occorre anche <strong>trasformare l'indignazione verso il malcostume emerso in questi anni</strong> in una forte tensione morale capace di determinare una formidabile <strong>spinta culturale e politica per il rinnovamento, non solo del costume dei magistrati, ma anche della loro responsabilità professionale sui temi vitali per le persone e per le libertà dai bisogni e dai condizionamenti</strong>. Penso alla mia città, Taranto, dove lo stabilimento siderurgico ha ucciso lo sviluppo e continua a uccidere i suoi abitanti; penso ai conflitti di lavoro in alcune città italiane che sono stati ostacolati e repressi da interventi di alcune procure della Repubblica; penso al “delitto di solidarietà” verso i migranti, che non è una esclusiva francese, ma purtroppo è stato contestato ad alcuni cittadini italiani al confine nord-est del Paese».</div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;">«Stanno espropriando il popolo di un conflitto sano e per dividerlo dentro trincee lontane, con in mezzo un campo di battaglia dove muoiono i poveracci – è la posizione di  <span style="background-color: transparent; font-weight: 700;">Marco Tarquinio </span><span style="background-color: transparent;">– C'è bisogno di ricostruire tutti i rapporti fondamentali di fiducia, a partire dai giornali. Dove sono finite le persone nella nostra società? Se un </span><em style="background-color: transparent;">influencer</em><span style="background-color: transparent;"> ha un seguito che vale quanti tutti i giornali messi insieme, qualche domanda dobbiamo porcela. </span><strong style="background-color: transparent;">Occorre recuperare il rispetto da parte dell'opinione pubblica, spezzare la logica del “noi contro loro”</strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">. Non è una sfida facile. Serve un nuovo patto di alleanza con la cittadinanza, con l'opinione pubblica da parte di politici, giornalisti, magistrati. E </span><strong style="background-color: transparent;">regole utili a migliorare vita gente</strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">, senza le quali c'è il dominio dei signorotti di turno».</span></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><div style="line-height:32px;"><strong><span style="font-size:28px;">Ferrajoli: indipendenza e imparzialità<br/>
per restituire credibilità alla magistratura</span></strong></div>
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<div><span style="background-color: transparent; font-size: 16px;">Quali misure sono idonee a <strong>garantire indipendenza e imparzialità della giurisdizione</strong>, e perciò da un lato a rifondare la legittimazione e la credibilità della magistratura e, dall’altro, a porre riparo ai guasti dell’autogoverno rivelati dagli scandali recenti? Dico subito che si tratta non solo e non tanto di misure istituzionali, quanto piuttosto di <strong>mutamenti profondi del costume giudiziario</strong>, in grado di bonificare i presupposti sia culturali che istituzionali delle lesioni sia dell’indipendenza che dell’imparzialità della funzione giudiziaria</span><span style="background-color: transparent;">.</span></div>

<div> </div>

<div><span style="color:#8B4513;"><span style="font-size:18px;"><strong>L'indipendenza</strong></span></span></div>

<div>Cominciamo dal primo corollario delle fonti sopra illustrate – la garanzia dei diritti e la verità giudiziaria – della legittimazione della giurisdizione: il valore dell’indipendenza. Anzitutto l’indipendenza esterna, quale risulta dall’autogoverno, che a sua volta comporta la rappresentatività e perciò il pluralismo, quale si esprime nelle correnti, assunte oggi come responsabili degli scandali. Tornerò più oltre sulla questione delle correnti. Qui mi limito a rilevare che c’è <strong>un parallelismo tra la crisi dell’auto-governo giudiziario e la crisi della democrazia parlamentare</strong>. La crisi involutiva e regressiva delle correnti è infatti analoga e parallela alla crisi involutiva e regressiva dei partiti. Ma questa crisi non toglie che così come una democrazia politica non può funzionare senza partiti, nello stesso modo neppure un autogoverno rappresentativo dei magistrati può funzionare senza correnti in grado di fondare la rappresentanza.</div>

<div>È perciò <strong>illusorio pensare di sanare il malgoverno dei magistrati colpendo le correnti, che sono il luogo del confronto collettivo e trasparente, e pensare di risolvere il problema con una riforma del Csm</strong>. Qualunque <strong>riforma del Csm non può risolvere nulla</strong>, dato che non può sopprimere le dinamiche e le lotte di potere inevitabilmente determinate dalla scelta dei capi degli uffici.</div>

<div>Ma allora, se questo è vero, il <strong>problema va risolto alla radice: sopprimendo o quanto meno riducendo queste lotte di potere, cioè gli stessi poteri che formano gli oggetti e i soggetti di queste dinamiche e di questi conflitti</strong>: da un lato il potere dei capi degli uffici, dall’altro il potere discrezionale che si esprime nella nomina dei capi degli uffici. È insomma il problema della carriera che va risolto alla radice, <strong>eliminando o quanto meno riducendo i presupposti e le ragioni del carrierismo</strong>. (...)</div>

<div><span style="font-size:18px;"> </span></div>

<div><span style="color:#8B4513;"><span style="font-size:18px;"><strong>L'imparzialità</strong></span></span></div>

<div>Non meno essenziale alla credibilità della magistratura è il secondo corollario delle fonti di legittimazione della giurisdizione più sopra indicate: il valore dell’imparzialità.</div>

<div>L’imparzialità comporta anzitutto il <strong>rifiuto del diritto penale del nemico</strong>, cioè di una concezione più generale delle pubbliche funzioni che non a caso sta inquinando anche la democrazia politica. C’è infatti anche sotto questo aspetto un’analogia tra la crisi della giurisdizione e la crisi della politica. Entrambe le crisi si manifestano nel <strong>ritorno della logica <em>schmittiana </em>dell’amico nemico che caratterizza tutti i populismi e accomuna perciò sia il populismo politico che l’ancor più grave populismo giudiziario</strong>.</div>

<div>Ebbene, il valore dell’imparzialità impone tre mutamenti profondi nel costume giudiziario, corrispondenti ad altrettante regole di deontologia giudiziaria.</div>

<div>La prima regola consiste nel<strong> rifiuto di ogni atteggiamento partigiano o settario, non solo da parte dei giudici ma anche dei pubblici ministeri</strong>. La giurisdizione non conosce – non deve conoscere nemici, neppure se terroristi o mafiosi o corrotti – ma solo cittadini. Ne consegue l’esclusione di qualunque conno­tazione partigiana sia dell'ac­cusa che del giudizio e perciò il rifiuto della concezione del processo penale come "lotta" al crimine. </div>

<div> </div>

<div><span style="font-size:16px;">Tratto dalla <em>lectio magistralis</em> di <strong>Luigi Ferrajoli</strong> al congresso di<strong> <em>Magistratura democratica</em></strong> (Firenze, 9 luglio)</span></div>

<div> </div>

<div><span style="font-size:16px;"><em><strong>Link</strong></em></span></div>

<div>Testo integrale di Ferrajoli:</div>

<div><u><span style="color:#000080;"><strong><em>https://www.magistraturademocratica.it/congresso/articolo/letio-magistralis-di-luigi-ferrajoli</em></strong></span></u></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><strong>Md per Patrick Zaki</strong></span></td>
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<div><span style="font-size: 16px; background-color: transparent;"><strong>Patrick Zaki</strong> è un giovane studioso, da oltre un anno detenuto in condizioni intollerabili solo per avere promosso la tutela dei diritti umani e perché stava frequentando un <em>master</em> in Italia in studi di genere. </span></div>

<div><span style="font-size:14px;">Quelli che<strong> in un ordinamento democratico sono valori da tutelare e promuovere, in un regime come quello egiziano divengono idee pericolose da reprimere</strong> e combattere con ogni mezzo, compreso un <strong>uso distorto ed illiberale della custodia cautelare protratta senza limiti di tempo, ed in assenza di alcun controllo sui presupposti</strong>.</span></div>

<div><span style="font-size:14px;">Tutto ciò è, non solo per i magistrati, ma per qualsiasi cittadino di una democrazia liberale, inaccettabile.<br/>
<strong><em>Magistratura democratica</em></strong> auspica che, in tempi rapidi, venga concessa <strong>a Zaki la cittadinanza italiana, così da poter svolgere un'azione di tutela più incisiva, e che si intraprendano tutte le iniziative politico-istituzionali per la verifica delle sue condizioni di salute e per la sua liberazione</strong>. </span><span style="background-color: transparent;">Invita la società civile a mobilitarsi<strong> </strong>e ad organizzare iniziative per <strong>difendere non solo Patrick, ma i principi fondamentali di qualsiasi ordinamento democratico</strong>.</span></div>

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<div><span style="font-size:14px;"><em>Da un comunicato stampa di<strong> </strong></em><strong>Md</strong></span></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><span style="font-size: 18px;"><b><span style="font-size:29px;">Stato di diritto e pilastro sociale<br/>
Ripristinare la fiducia in Europa</span></b></span></span></td>
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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:16px;">Nella conferenza organizzata da <strong><em>Medel</em></strong> al Congresso di Firenze, il 9 luglio, si è sottolineata la necessità di far crescere la <strong style="background-color: transparent;">fiducia dei cittadini in un progetto non solo economico ma anche (e soprattutto) sociale e di diritti fondamentali</strong></span><span style="background-color: transparent;">, che impone alle autorità dell'Unione una nuova prospettiva, basata non solo sull'attenzione al mercato, ma essenzialmente sul rispetto delle libertà e per un'effettiva uguaglianza dei cittadini europei nell'accesso alla salute, all'educazione, al lavoro - in sostanza, alla dignità che è alla base di ogni comunità di diritto e dei diritti.</span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;">Questa nuova prospettiva, tuttavia, non potrà mai essere realizzata senza il rispetto del <strong>principio fondamentale dell'indipendenza del Potere Giudiziario e delle regole dello Stato di Diritto</strong>. È quindi essenziale che i tribunali non si lascino prendere dalla "trappola populista al potere giudiziario" e che le i<strong>stituzioni comunitarie diano una risposta forte e decisa alle tendenze autoritarie di Stati membri </strong>come la Polonia e l'Ungheria, i cui cittadini sono oggi sempre più privati dell'accesso a una magistratura indipendente e libera dalle interferenze dell'esecutivo. </div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">Come ricordato alla conferenza, <strong>Jean Monnet</strong> ha detto che «</span><strong style="background-color: transparent;">l'Europa sarà forgiata nelle sue crisi</strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">». Questa è la crisi dei nostri tempi - questa è la sfida che dobbiamo affrontare. E dalla risposta che daremo tutti - cittadini e istituzioni - dipenderà il futuro dell'Europa.</span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:16px;">Considerazioni di<strong> Filipe Marques</strong><em>, giudice in Portogallo, presidente di </em><strong>Medel</strong><strong> </strong>– Magistrats Européens pour la Démocratie et les Libertés<em>. Di seguito, uno stralcio del suo intervento al congresso e il </em>link <em>al testo completo</em></span></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><span style="font-size: 28px;"><b>La "via giudiziaria" alla politica</b></span></span></td>
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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: 16px; background-color: transparent;">Una delle principali sfide e minacce per lo Stato di Diritto è la giudiziarizzazione della politica. </span><strong style="font-size: 16px; background-color: transparent;">L'incapacità dei partiti politici di raggiungere compromessi sta spesso e sempre più portando all'uso dei tribunali come istanze di risoluzione delle controversie</strong><span style="font-size: 16px; background-color: transparent;"> politiche, sia attivamente che passivamente.</span></div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">Quando le <strong>decisioni sono prese unilateralmente da un partito o da una parte dello spettro politico, senza raggiungere o scendere a compromessi con gli altri partiti, questi ultimi impugnano le decisioni davanti ai tribunali</strong>, sperando di avere le loro argomentazioni convalidate dalla magistratura. In altri casi, le diverse parti non raggiungono una soluzione in quelle che sono questioni eminentemente politiche, sapendo che i tribunali saranno costretti ad applicare la legge alla situazione - sperando di presentare come una vittoria la decisione giuridica che sarà presa, se favorevole a loro, anche se ciò non porterà ad una soluzione globale di quello che è un problema politico.</span></div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">Un chiaro esempio di questa realtà sono le conclusioni adottate al Consiglio Europeo del 10 e 11 dicembre 2020. Anche se queste conclusioni sono state presentate proprio come un modo per risolvere una situazione di stallo, possiamo vederle come nient'altro che la "<strong>giudiziarizzazione della politica</strong>" che è <strong>una tendenza globale</strong>. Incapace di raggiungere una decisione politica, non solo il <strong>Consiglio ha invaso la sfera di competenze di un'altra istituzione dell'Ue (la Commissione), imponendo un obbligo di non azione fino al completamento delle linee guida sul modo in cui applicherà il regolamento sullo Stato di Diritto</strong>, ma ha anche deciso che queste stesse linee guida sarebbero state finalizzate solo dopo la sentenza della Corte di Giustizia in un ricorso per annullamento nei confronti del regolamento (che, all'epoca, era già stato annunciato ma non ancora introdotto), "in modo da incorporare qualsiasi elemento rilevante derivante da tale sentenza". </span><span style="background-color: transparent;">Questo è un chiaro caso di tutti gli <strong>attori politici che cercano di distogliere l'attenzione da una situazione di stallo politico che non sono stati in grado di risolvere</strong>. Il risultato è facilmente prevedibile: <strong>qualsiasi decisione presa dalla Corte di Giustizia europea sarà presentata come una vittoria o una sconfitta da tutte le parti in conflitto e la Corte sarà accusata di aver preso una decisione politica</strong>. </span></div>

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<div><span style="font-size:16px;"><em><strong>Link</strong></em></span></div>

<div><em><span style="background-color: transparent;">L'intervento integrale di </span></em><strong style="background-color: transparent;">Felipe Marques</strong><em><span style="background-color: transparent;"> alla conferenza </span></em><span style="background-color: transparent;">Il futuro dell’Europa tra Rule of Law e pilastro sociale</span><em><span style="background-color: transparent;">, organizzata da</span><strong style="background-color: transparent;"> </strong></em><strong style="background-color: transparent;">MEDEL - Magistrats Europeéns pour la Démocratie et les Libertés</strong><em><span style="background-color: transparent;"> (9 luglio 2021 XXIII, Congresso Nazionale di </span></em><span style="background-color: transparent;"><strong>Md</strong>)</span><em><span style="background-color: transparent;">: </span></em></div>

<div><em><strong><span style="color:#000080;"><u>http://www.europeanrights.eu/index.php?funzione=S&op=5&id=1797</u></span></strong></em></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><span style="font-size:28px;"><strong>Polonia: le scelte della signora Ewa<br/>
«Libertà, diritti? Sono parole per ricchi»</strong></span></span></td>
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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;"><span style="font-size:16px;">Il partito al potere in <strong>Polonia</strong> si chiama <strong>Diritto e Giustizia</strong>. <strong>Ma</strong> <strong>da sei anni attua la più agguerrita ed efficace strategia di smantellamento dello stato di diritto in Europa</strong>.</span> </span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;">Quando, nel 2019 sono stata inviata a Varsavia per seguire le elezioni parlamentari – vinte di nuovo dal partito ultraconservatore – mi aveva particolarmente colpito una donna, la signora <strong>Ewa, una contadina che ogni mattina vendeva le sue cassette di mele</strong> al mercato di <em>Na Polnej</em>: «Tutti a parlare di <strong>libertà, di diritti </strong>– mi aveva detto con una risata -. <strong>Sono parole per i ricchi. Io preferisco dignità, e la dignità ce l’hai solo quando hai da mangiare</strong>». A un’osservazione del genere c’è poco da controbattere. <strong>Come spiegare</strong>, senza l’arroganza del privilegio,<strong> l’importanza della libertà di espressione, dell’indipendenza della magistratura, dell’uguaglianza di genere a chi fatica a sopravvivere?</strong></span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;">In <strong>Polonia</strong>, come del resto anche in<strong> Ungheria</strong> e, in misura minore, in altri Paesi dell’Ue, i capisaldi dello smantellamento dello stato di diritto sono il <strong>controllo totale dell’informazione e della magistratura</strong>. Il primo ha richiesto l’asservimento dei <em>mass media </em>pubblici e la riduzione al silenzio di quelli privati che non si adeguano. Il secondo la sottoposizione del potere giudiziario a quello esecutivo nonché l’egemonia sulla Corte costituzionale. Ma <strong>vallo a spiegare alla signora Ewa che informazione libera e giustizia indipendente sono fondamentali</strong>, anche nella vita di una contadina polacca. </span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;">La lunga chiacchierata con la giudice <strong>Monica Frąckowiak</strong>, coraggiosa magistrata a Poznań, è stata illuminante. Volevo che spiegasse a una qualsiasi Ewa <strong>l’importanza di vivere in uno stato pienamente democratico</strong>, dove lo stato di diritto non è intaccato dal potere esecutivo, e dove la Costituzione non è un libro da imparare a scuola, ma lo scudo all’ingiustizia. </span><span style="background-color: transparent;">L’ha fatto come se stesse prendendo un caffè con Ewa, con esempi concreti e chiari, perché occorre proteggere «</span><strong style="background-color: transparent;">l'inviolabilità dei diritti fondamentali dei cittadini, che pongono fondamento e limite al potere dello Stato. </strong><span style="background-color: transparent;"><strong>Lo stato di diritto è per tutti, ma pochi ne sono consapevoli</strong>. Eppure garantisce che nessuno possa essere discriminato, che il potere giudiziario sia indipendente dal potere politico, che i giornali siano liberi, che il governo sia trasparente, che la parità tra uomini e donne sia effettiva</span><span style="background-color: transparent;">». Che per Ewa si traduce in: </span><strong style="background-color: transparent;">se lo Stato ti espropria i terreni, quelli che ti danno da mangiare, senza averne diritto </strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">– come successo in Polonia –</span><strong style="background-color: transparent;"> l’unica protezione che hai è la legge applicata in modo indipendente</strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">.</span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size:14px;">Oppure: <strong>se vieni arrestata durante le manifestazioni per difendere il diritto all’aborto, la polizia ti mette in carcere e finisci a processo, l’unica salvezza è che un giudice riconosca la primarietà della Costituzione sull’arbitrio e ti assolva</strong> (migliaia di donne polacche arrestate nelle piazze negli ultimi due anni sono state “salvate” dalla Costituzione e da magistrati ancora indipendenti). È così che <strong>Monica Frąckowiak</strong>, colpita da cinque procedimenti disciplinari per le sue critiche alla riforma giudiziaria, assieme a numerosi magistrati polacchi, riesce a rendere vivo un concetto così «lontano» come lo stato di diritto. </span><span style="background-color: transparent;">Lo fa</span><strong style="background-color: transparent;"> protestando con l'Associazione dei giudici polacchi <em>Iustitia</em>, ma lo fa anche con esempi e azioni che non hanno paura di semplificare, e per questo, arrivano anche alle tante Ewa</strong><span style="background-color: transparent;">.</span></div>
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<div style="line-height:20px;"><span style="font-size:16px;"><em>Testimonianza della giornalista</em> <strong>Monica Perosino</strong>. <em>Sua anche l'intervista sottostante, </em><em style="background-color: transparent; text-align: justify;">pubblicata <span style="background-color: transparent;">venerdì 16 luglio 2021 sul quotidiano</span></em><span style="background-color: transparent; text-align: justify;"> <span style="font-weight: 700;">La Stampa</span></span></span></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><span style="font-size:28px;"><span style="font-weight: 700; text-align: -webkit-center;">Frąckowiak: </span><span style="text-align: -webkit-center; font-weight: 700;">«</span><span style="font-weight: 700; text-align: -webkit-center;">Princìpi calpestati da anni, la Polexit è ormai diventata una realtà»</span></span></span></td>
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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: 16px;">«La Polexit è già realtà, siamo nel pieno dell’uscita della Polonia dall’Europa». <span style="font-weight: 700;">Monica Frąckowiak</span>, magistrata a <span style="font-weight: 700;">Poznań</span>, ex capitale medievale e magnifica città rinascimentale, combatte da anni contro l’implacabile erosione dello stato di diritto nel suo Paese. <span style="font-weight: 700;">In Italia, al congresso di <em>Magistratura Democratica</em>, con <em>Medel </em>ha dato voce ai giudici nel mirino di Varsavia.</span></span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">Perché la Polexit è già realtà?</span><br/>
«Dal 2015, passo dopo passo, in Polonia è verificata una “<em>Polexit legale</em>”, ovvero un’uscita del Paese dall’Unione decretata dalla violazione di Varsavia dei principi e delle leggi Ue. Quando un Paese non rispetta i valori fondamentali e smantella i diritti delle donne e della comunità Lgbt+, distrugge l’indipendenza dei media e della magistratura, allora è chiaro che, in modo meno esplicito del Regno Unito, sta uscendo dall’Europa».</div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">Molte delle leggi polacche, come quelle anti Lgbtq+, hanno “ispirato” successive scelte politiche di Budapest?</span><br/>
«Sì, ma con una differenza fondamentale. La situazione in Polonia sembra peggiore perché il governo è più sistematico. Ma se si guarda meglio vediamo che Budapest è riuscita perfino a cambiare la Costituzione. Inoltre i giudici ungheresi e la società civile sembrano non riuscire a reagire contro Orban, mentre i polacchi sono più forti e i giudici riescono ancora a tenere gli argini al dilagare del governo. Pensiamo, per esempio, alle migliaia di denunce contro le donne che manifestavano per il diritto all’aborto: il governo le ha fatte arrestare, ai processi i magistrati le hanno assolte».</div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">Però la società civile polacca ha continuato a votare PiS...</span><br/>
«Per forza, se escludiamo le grandi città, dove infatti non vince, la propaganda dei media allineati - perché gli altri sono stati messi a tacere - è riuscita a creare un’atmosfera di odio e paura - delle donne, degli omosessuali. E quando la gente ha paura è facile presentarsi come il principe sul cavallo bianco e far credere che li salverai. Funziona sempre».<br/>
<span style="font-weight: 700;">Cosa crede succederà ora?</span><br/>
«Finché non si toccano i soldi l’azione europea non sarà sufficiente. Fondi in cambio di diritti insomma. Nel frattempo dobbiamo far capire ai nostri cittadini cos’è in ballo, ché non credo sia così chiaro. Dobbiamo sostenere le ong e gli attivisti, solo così sfonderemo il muro della propaganda tra i cittadini. Citizens on the ground, per usare un’immagine militare».</div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-weight: 700;">Cioè?</span><br/>
«Alla contadina polacca parlare di diritti e libertà pare quasi offensivo. Se hai fame la libertà è secondaria, e i diritti sono un concetto astratto. Ma quando lo Stato ti espropria la terra, per difenderti dovrai andare in tribunale. Solo allora capirai che è fondamentale avere dei giudici che rispondono alla legge e non al governo».<br/>
<span style="font-weight: 700;">La Polonia è ancora una democrazia?</span><br/>
«Dalla storia del XX secolo abbiamo imparato che non basta avere partiti ed elezioni per essere Paesi democratici. Abbiamo visto che non è sufficiente, che una democrazia limitata è pericolosa. Sappiamo com’è finita».<br/>
<span style="font-weight: 700;">La Commissione disciplinare è composta da giudici, come lei..</span><br/>
«È molto triste, sono nostri colleghi ma uccidono l’indipendenza della magistratura. Forse questi giudici erano marginalizzati, non avevano carriere molto brillanti, e quando il governo ha offerto loro gloria, soldi e potere non hanno saputo resistere».<br/>
<span style="font-weight: 700;">Anche lei ha subito un procedimento disciplinare?</span><br/>
«Cinque. Ma non sono sola».<br/>
<span style="font-weight: 700;">E che cosa avrebbe fatto?</span><br/>
«Sono un giudice, non critico mai il governo, ma ho criticato la riforma della giustizia, e questo è stato sufficiente».<br/>
<span style="font-weight: 700;">E ora?</span></div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">«I polacchi sono decisamente filo-europei, ma il gioco del governo è molto pericoloso e potrebbe indurre il Paese a guardare al Regno Unito. Spero che la società civile sia forte abbastanza da non cadere nella trappola». </span></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><span style="font-size:28px;"><strong>Libia: il dramma sotto gli occhi</strong></span></span></td>
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<div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: 16px; text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">La Camera dei deputati ha bocciato la risoluzione che chiedeva la chiusura definitiva della missione di collaborazione dell'Italia con la Guardia costiera libica. </span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">Eppure, abbiamo ancora davanti agli occhi le immagini dei</span><strong style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;"> militari libici che</strong><strong style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">, </strong><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;"><span style="background-color: transparent;">nella zona</span><em><span style="background-color: transparent;"> Sar Maltese, </span></em></span><strong style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">inseguono i migranti sparando colpi di mitraglia ad altezza uomo</strong><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">. Lo stesso possiamo dire per le parole spese dall’autorità giudiziaria italiana nelle sentenze che descrivono gli orrori subiti dai trattenuti nei centri di detenzione libici.</span></div>

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<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">Come ha scritto la segretaria generale </span><strong style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">Mariarosaria Guglielmi </strong><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">nella relazione introduttiva del XXIII congresso di Magistratura democratica, «</span><strong style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">Sono più di 13 mila le persone riportate in Libia quest'anno</strong><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">: un numero che – come ricordavano l’</span><em style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">Oim</em><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;"> e l'</span><em style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">Unhcr</em><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;"> nel comunicato congiunto del 16 giugno, dopo l’ultimo episodio dei 270 migranti della nave </span><strong style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">Vos Triton</strong><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;"> – ha già superato il totale di tutti i migranti intercettati in mare nel corso dell’intero 2020, e </span><strong style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">riportati indietro verso luoghi di condizioni disumane, dove spesso sono destinati a scomparire come “merce” nelle mani dei trafficanti di esseri umani</strong><span style="text-align: justify; background-color: transparent;">». Le proteste, le relazioni di autorevoli organizzazioni internazionali e i tentativi parlamentari, per adesso, non sono stati sufficienti.</span></div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"> </div>

<div style="line-height: 20px; text-align: justify;"><em>Da un comunicato stampa di </em><strong>Md</strong></div>
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                                                            <span style="color:#3c4858; "><span style="color:#800000;"><span style="font-size:18px;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><strong>Per rivedere il XXIII congresso di</strong> <em>Md </em></span></span></span></span></td>
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<div style="line-height:24px;"><span style="color: rgb(218, 165, 32);"><span style="font-weight: 700;">10<strong> luglio:</strong></span></span><em style="font-weight: 700; background-color: transparent;"><span style="color: rgb(0, 0, 128);"><u>https://www.radioradicale.it/scheda/641943</u></span></em></div>

<div style="line-height:24px;"><span style="color: rgb(218, 165, 32);"><span style="font-weight: 700;">11 luglio: </span></span><em style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="font-weight: 700;"><span style="color: rgb(0, 0, 128);"><u>https://www.radioradicale.it/scheda/641944</u></span></span></em></div>
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                                                                <div><div><span style="color:#B22222;"><strong>MAGISTRATURA DEMOCRATICA</strong></span></div>

<div><strong>c/o</strong></div>

<div><span style="color:#696969;"><strong>Associazione Nazionale Magistrati</strong><br/>
Palazzo di Giustizia<br/>
Piazza Cavour 00193 - Roma<br/>
CF: 97013890583</span><br/>
<br/>
<span style="color:#000080;">md@magistraturademocratica.it<br/>
stampa@magistraturademocratica.it<br/>
 </span></div>
</div> 
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                                        <div style="font-size:14px; color:#888888; font-weight:normal; text-align:center; font-family:Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif;"><div>Questa email è stata inviata a area@areaperta.it
<div>Ricevi questa email perché sei nell'indirizzario di Magistratura democratica</div>

<div>o perché sei iscritto a Magistratura democratica</div>

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</div>
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                                        <div><div>© 2021 Magistratura democratica</div>
</div>
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